Narendra Modi is being grounded to be humane since the country is on the wane; will he bow to the RSS plan? Narendra Modi has realised that he is not a divine incarnation but biological; to err is human and he has come to a conclusion. He wields no majority in Parliament. Under his hegemony, the country is passing through social disorder and economic crises. His international relations are at a low ebb. However, he is un-moved, and is a hard nut to crack. He is a power-monger, and seat-hungry, nevertheless, he is indispensably on the way out, a good sign for India.
The RSS has chalked out a Plan for Narendra Modi. It has decided to give him a ceremonial exit by offering him the post of the President of India, provided he manages a continuous majority in Parliament. Nitin Gadkari is proposed for the post of the Prime Minister. Sanjay Joshi or Vasundhara Raje Scindia is considered for the post of the President of the BJP. It is stated that Narendra Modi will neither like to leave the power place nor stay out without a powerful placement. If he were to be elevated to a place where he can satisfy his ego and his power centre could be the Presidential Palace of India.
Gadkari is a strong RSS disciple and does not challenge the RSS’s superiority. He is stated to be an able administrator. However, he lacks mass appeal like Modi. This suits RSS as they want a leader who governs, not one who overwhelms the party. It is believed that he would reinstate the cabinet-based united governance model, rather than Modi’s unilateral decision-making practice.
If Modi accepts the role, the RSS might envisage a more powerful and dominant President, which goes beyond the ceremonial nature of the role. Modi’s assertive leadership style does not fit in to the traditionally titular President’s role, but with his political acumen, he could influence government decisions informally.
RSS is ensuring continuity of control before incarnating him into a different dimension. Modi, having enjoyed absolute executive power as Chief Minister and Prime Minister, might not easily accept a ceremonial role unless RSS convinces him of its strategic necessity. Modi thrives on direct power, not symbolic authority. A scenario could arise where Modi reshapes the President’s role to be more domineering. The RSS wants a spontaneous transition, but Modi’s consent depends on whether he sees the role as truly influential.
If Modi agrees to become President of India, he may insist that Amit Shah be made Prime Minister instead of Gadkari. This would allow Modi-Shah to continue exerting control while reshaping the role of the President into a more active and active one. However, RSS would likely oppose this, as it wants a leader who fits more closely with its ideology and not Modi’s personal political agenda.
Since Gujarat days, Amit Shah has been Modi’s most trusted political strategist. BJP’s dominance in Gujarat demonstrating its national electoral victories, Shah has been the mastermind behind the party’s electoral victories.
Unlike other Home Ministers, Shah has wielded unequivocal control over intelligence agencies, law enforcement, and political manoeuvring. His firm approach has helped Modi weaken opposition forces within and outside the BJP. Modi has a record of protecting and rewarding his loyalists. If Shah is excluded from RSS’s plan, Modi will not easily accept it, as it could undermine his legacy and political authority.
However, Modi may resent this plan of RSS which excludes the accommodation of his best friend and mentor Amit Shah. It would, eventually like to imply that Indian electorate and the law makers are scared of Amit Shah due to his destructive ways and tactics. It would be prudent to the party to give some relief from his extra governmental actions took place in the last 15 years in Gujarat, UP and Delhi.
Unlike Modi, who is divine decision maker, Gadkari has always maintained cordial relations with the RSS and fits in its scope of things. His vast experience and go smooth nature make him a favoured choice for Prime Minister within RSS echelons. Whereas Gadkari is wanted across party lines, he is short of the mass appeal of Modi. Modi has successfully dominated the party’s grip, sliding leaders like Advani and Murli Manohar Joshi.
BJP’s President – Sanjay Joshi or Vasundhara Raje?
Sanjay Joshi was strategically eliminated from BJP due to his animosity with Modi. But RSS has always patronised him as an ideal leader. If Modi is moved out, the RSS might rehabilitate Joshi to regain control over the party.
Vasundhara Raje Scindia with strong local influence, but her growth was systematically eroded by Narendra Modi, assuming that she would not challenge him in future. Her elevation, if elected as President of the BJP, would be a balancing act to keep regional factions intact.
Sanjay Joshi or Vasundhara Raje as BJP President is to limit Modi’s hold over the Party. Sanjay Joshi is a longtime RSS volunteer who has a hard experience with Modi. His reinstatement would pave way for a rewinding of Modi’s dominance over BJP. How ever J.P. Nadda is stated to be extended for an unspecified period due to lack of unanimity among the RSS, Modi and Shah.
Vasundhara Raje Scindia, on the other hand, represents a politically experienced face who is more independent, though belongs to a dynastic clan but still aligns with RSS. RSS understands that Modi and Shah together are a formidable political force. By keeping Shah aloof, RSS ensures that he is distanced from Delhi’s power circles. This move prevents Shah from acting as a power broker in Delhi after Modi’s departure.
Modi is unlikely to accept this transition without resistance. Modi may bargain for retaining his influence. He might agree to becoming President, but demand to control the BJP’s leadership transition. He may insist on placing Amit Shah in a key position.
Modi has built his own personal support base within BJP, independent of the RSS. He might not try to convince party leaders and MPs to oppose RSS’s transition plan since he is on a weak wicket in Parliament. He may not sideline RSS from BJP completely and turn BJP into a personality-driven party.
Narendra Modi is being grounded to be humane since the country is on the wane; will he bow to RSS plan? The role and future Mohan Bhagwat
Mohan Bhagwat, the RSS Chief is approaching 75 in a short while from now. He wants a smooth power transformation without hurting the sentiments of Narendra Modi and his craftmanship for the party in the last 12 years. Bhagwat, being the current Chief of RSS, marks a great pointer for the Sangh’s leadership transition. The RSS basically stresses a smooth generational shift without internal conflicts, and Bhagwat, being a strategic and Hindutva ideologue would ensure that the transition within the RSS and the BJP happens without disturbing the party or antagonising Narendra Modi. However, ensuring a smooth power change while respecting Modi’s strong psychic and hold over the party is a challenge.
Mohan Bhagwat has been wielding power in RSS since 2009 and is one of the longest-serving Chiefs. Under his stewardship, the RSS has reaffirmed the Hindutva politics to the strongest possible level. Modi’s leadership was unequivocally moved itself with the BJP.
RSS is worried about too much ‘Modi-ism in BJP. Modi’s leadership has increasingly been about Modiism, and not the Sangh’s ideology, making RSS feel sidelined in decision-making. Modi and Shah combination has run BJP as a two-man power centre, often making independent decisions without consulting the RSS, a deviation from its traditional collective leadership model.
Bhagwat is not looking for an outright confrontation but wants a non-confrontationist transition of Modi era. Thus, his strategy is to create a respectable exit for Modi, while RSS remains an ideological face of the BJP.
To achieve a smooth power transition, Bhagwat is working out a face-saving, yet decisive shift by offering Rashtrapati Bhavan to Modi. Bhagwat is ensuring that Modi gets a dignified and powerful placement. Modi may initially resist, but being President allows him to remain a constitutional figure of influence without directly controlling the government. This position appeals to Modi’s quest for position and authority.
Will Bhagwat’s Plan Succeed?
Bhagwat himself will not remain RSS chief for long. If his successor is more aggressive, RSS may push harder for Modi’s exit. BJP has many leaders who owe their rise to Modi and Shah. If these leaders, side with Modi, RSS will struggle to enforce its plan. This situation is unlikely to happen since the BJP has no majority of its own in Parliament. If these leaders accept RSS’s direction, Modi’s exit will be smoother.
Mohan Bhagwat has to walk on the razor’s edge, trying to ensure a smooth transition without creating internal imbalance. Bhagwat is aware that Modi cannot be displaced forcefully but requires a face-saving formula. His strategies reflect the long-term interest of RSS—ensuring collective leadership, minimising Modi’s dominance, and enabling Hindutva continuity. The important question is whether Modi and Shah will accept the plan or fight back; the result will fix the future of BJP’s leadership and RSS’s dominance in Indian politics.
While Modi has centralized power within the BJP, the organizational control remains in the hands of the RSS. The booth-level workers, ideological machinery, and grassroots mobilization efforts are still controlled by RSS volunteers, who remain loyal to the RSS rather than Modi. If RSS pulls back its organizational support, BJP’s electoral strength will be severely damaged.
Modi’s entire political journey has been built on BJP’s dominance. If he resents the transition and causes a split or collapse, his legacy will be tarnished. The only way to secure his projected image is to agree to a respectable exit
Though Modi commands more acceptability within BJP, he does not stir the entire party to his whims and fancies. A transition put forth by RSS will find support among senior BJP leaders like Rajnath Singh, Nitin Gadkari, and even Yogi Adityanath. If Modi disagrees too much, internal frictions may rise against him, leading to uncertainty in the party. If Modi disobeys RSS’s plan, the entire system could face a severe breakdown.
A standoff between Modi and RSS could lead to RSS withdrawing its support from BJP, weakening the party at the grassroots level. The Sangh could actively promote an alternative leadership, splitting the BJP’s voter base.
Modi’s success has been partly dependent on RSS’s disciplined cadre base. If RSS stops backing BJP, it could lead to organizational collapse, affecting electoral performance in key states like Bihar, West Bengal, Kerala, Uttar Pradesh and Tamil Nadu.
If RSS removes Amit Shah from Delhi politics, Modi loses his most trusted strategist. While Modi may not be happy with the RSS plan, he will likely compromise a middle path rather than outright rejecting it. Modi could agree to become President, but insist that Amit Shah remain in Delhi in a powerful role, he might also try to secure a loyal Prime Minister, rather than letting RSS impose Gadkari or another leader.
Narendra Modi is being grounded to be humane since the country is on the wane; will he bow to RSS plan? Modi-Amit Shah: An Unbreakable Political Bond
While Shah’s political efficacy is un challenged. The RSS would see his tactics as a negation in the long term. Shah’s heavy-handedness in Gujarat, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, Maharashtra and Delhi has been decisive in BJP’s advancement, but it also created dissatisfaction among opposition leaders, judiciary, and even within sections of the bureaucracy. The RSS, which prefers a more traditionalistic and ideological approach, may feel that Shah’s methods are too retrograde and giving negative results.
The assumption that India’s political and legal systems operate under grip of Shah’s influence might mitigate the BJP’s future existence. A smooth transformation, in the hands of obedient followers like Gadkari, could be a long-term ploy by the RSS.
RSS knows that Modi and Shah’s rule model has depended on power assertion rather than get going concept. With Modi marching to the President’s role, Shah remaining a formidable force could distort RSS’s dream of a more decentralized BJP. The RSS wants a generational shift in BJP where ideology takes preference over individuality. Modi, however, has built a personified power centre that depends mostly on Amit Shah.
Unlike Atal Bihari Vajpayee, who believed in spontaneous transformation, Modi is hard and unlikely to leave the seat easily unless he is realised of his cherished ego. The avoidance of Shah in RSS’s plan makes Modi’s acceptability is even more difficult. Therefore, the RSS’s thinking makes worthy reasoning for the RSS but not for Modi.
Narendra Modi is being grounded to be humane since the country is on the wane; will he bow to RSS plan? Plan – B of Mohan Bhagwat to rescue the RSS
Under Plan-B, the RSS has in mind that in case Modi resents, Amit Shah could be sent to Gujarat as Chief Minister. Yogi Aditya Nath may be brought to the Centre to assign him the post of the Home Minister, while his disciple like Nirmala Sitaraman could be made Minister of Foreign Affairs and J.P. Nadda Defence Minister and Rajnath Singh could be again sent UP as Chief Minister, Shiv Raj Singh Chauhan as the Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh and some others would be accommodated in the Cabinet.
As long as Amit Shah is Home Minister, he would wield influence over police, investigative agencies, and internal security. His removal ensures that RSS has greater control over the party and governance at the Centre. Instead of directly ousting him, giving him Gujarat’s leadership allows RSS to save face while neutralizing his national ambitions.
Amit Shah is accustomed to wielding immense power as Home Minister and BJP’s chief strategist. He has built a strong personal political network, including bureaucrats, party leaders, and corporate allies. He may push back against this sidelining. Modi and Shah function as a unit, and Modi may not accept a deal where Shah is weakened.
Yogi is seen as a more ideological hardliner than Shah. RSS may view him as a more reliable executor of Hindutva policies at the Centre. As Home Minister, Yogi would wield immense power over policing, intelligence, and national security, a key area RSS wants control over. Unlike Shah, who operates behind the scenes, Yogi has direct electoral appeal and a strong Hindu sage image, making him popular with RSS cadres. While RSS may prefer him ideologically, Yogi has shown that he does not always follow the central leadership blindly. In UP, he has often acted independently of Modi and Shah.
Modi may see this plan as degrading his political legacy and may refute. Shah may not accept the Gujarat assignment. He has ambition to become the Prime Minister and may not take it lightly. BJP leaders close to Modi-Shah may indulge in internal friction, leading to division in party. Yogi as Home Minister could be unpredictable. While RSS may like his ideology, his inherent animosity against the minorities and Hindutva credentials could create administrative hurdles.
RSS’s Plan-B seems like a backup strategy to counter Modi’s reservation while enabling a smooth transition. However, its efficacy depends on whether Modi and Shah agree to these changes. If BJP loses ground, RSS may affirm its authority to implement this transformation. Shah’s role remains the biggest question mark. If he disagrees the RSS requires to rewind its plan. and approach. The power schism within BJP and RSS will redefine its Plan-B.
Narendra Modi is being grounded to be humane since the country is on the wane; will he bow to RSS plan? The Conclusion
Narendra Modi has realised that he is not a divine incarnation but biological; to err is human and he has come to a conclusion. He wields no majority in Parliament. Under his hegemony, the country is pass through social disorder and economic crises. His foreign relations are at low ebb.
RSS’s Plan-B seems like a backup strategy to counter Modi’s reservation while enabling a smooth transition. This plan acknowledges that Modi may not willingly step aside, and Amit Shah’s continued presence in Delhi could disrupt the transition.
Narendra Modi cannot fight RSS openly since he has not got majority in Parliament. Withy only 240 MP seats, he is on the crutches of the Chandra Babu Naidu and Nitish Kumar. RSS cannot afford to alienate Modi; they need BJP to remain strong. A negotiated transition is the only way forward; where Modi gets an amicable exit, and RSS regains control of BJP’s structure. The coming months will decide how smoothly this power shift happens; but one thing for sure; Modi’s era as the sole power centre of BJP has ended.